Planes, Trains, or Camionetas (little buses)?

A Baseline Study of an Informal Travel Mode

 

 

Final Report Summary

April 1, 2003

 

 

 

 

 

Abel Valenzuela Jr.

Principal Investigator

Associate Professor

César E. Chávez Center and Department of Urban Planning

University of California, Los Angeles

 

Director

Center for the Study of Urban Poverty

Institute for Social Science Research

4250 Public Policy Building

Los Angeles, CA  90095

Voice: (310) 825-9156

Fax: (310) 206-4472

abel@ucla.edu

 

 

 

Funded by a UCTC Year 13 Research Grant

                       

 

Introduction

Camionetas are small vans primarily used by immigrants who wish to travel inter-regionally and transnationally.  Camioneta travel is mostly informal because few regulations control its commercial activity, and advertising for this transportation mode is primarily word of mouth or through posters.  According to a Los Angeles Times story (Schrader  2000), camioneta travel is being used by more than 8 million Latinos annually. The same article reported that Latinos in LA are spending more than $200 million annually on this type of travel.

 

Informal travel arrangements, like camionetas, form an integral part of planning and travel use by immigrants in California and elsewhere in the United States.  Camioneta travel provides insight into market-based, entrepreneurial travel services that have arisen outside of state regulations.  These community-based travel services target the needs of a traditionally underserved group in California— working poor immigrants—who live on the margins of economic survival.  And because many camioneta partrons piece together a livelihood in disparate regions and job locations, these users may not be well served by either fixed-route transit or by auto ownership programs aimed at those with low incomes.  Hence, this study contributes substantially to the state’s future policy decisions about transportation regulation and investment with regard to migrant workers and immigrants.

 

Our review of the literature on travel behavior revealed only one academic study about informal intercity travel (Ellis 2001).  Despite the paucity of research on this topic, several journalistic accounts (Dyer 1991; Pope and Dyer 1991; Backover 1999; Schrader 2000) report camionetas’ widespread use.  Furthermore, data collected from day laborers verified their reliance on informal intercity travel.  Anecdotal conversations with Latinos (both immigrants and non-immigrants) in different Los Angeles communities likewise confirmed its growth.  Yet, like much of the immigrant-based economy, camioneta travel has gone mostly unnoticed by mainstream planners.  Consequently, our goal was to collect some information on camioneta travel and travelers to create a baseline understanding of this informal transportation mode in Southern California.

 

Ellis (2001) focuses mainly on the problems associated with camionetas.  Sponsored by the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS), this study’s objectives were to define the extent of border-area camioneta operations in Texas and evaluate the industry’s safety problems.  The researchers surveyed 64 vans at inland United States Border Patrol checkpoints.  The research found that the majority of the vans were operating at high mileages and generally had a poor-quality exterior. Luggage within the vans was not safely secured, and passengers often did not wear seat belts, or had poorly functioning belts.  The van’s operators reported driving for unsafe periods of time, potentially resulting in fatigue and inattentiveness.

 

Even with these problems, camionetas are obviously appealing to patrons.  Trips made by camioneta are not less expensive than those made by Greyhound or Southwest Airlines.  Patrons reported in our survey that camioneta services out-competed mainstream travel services in speed and service.  In this way, camionetas represent an interesting case of privatized transit that has grown up within the immigrant community relatively free of enforced regulation.  Camionetas enjoy many of the benefits that advocates have long associated with privatized transit: flexible routes and timing, more tailored destinations, better in-vehicle amenities, and faster trips due to the smaller vehicles.  Yet if our sample is representative, camionetas are serving an extremely vulnerable patron group: undocumented immigrants who speak little to no English.  Hence, the possibility for exploitation and safety violations should not be ignored.

 

KEY RESEARCH ISSUES AND QUESTIONS

 

The primary objective driving this research was to investigate how the camioneta industry is organized.  Three broad research questions guided this study.

 

1. Who travels by camioneta?

At the beginning of our work, we assumed that Latino immigrants with few resources and few travel options would be those primarily interested.  This, however, was purely speculation before we gathered data, and our data suggest the story is much more complicated than we originally thought.

 

We supposed that inexpensive and reliable travel to Mexico and different parts of the United States would attract non-immigrants and non-Latinos to camionetas as well.  Students, teenagers, or families (regardless of their nativity status and ethnic/racial background) wishing to visit relatives or friends might use this service, were they aware of it, in significant numbers or more?  This proved not to be the case in our sample, which was comprised entirely of immigrants mostly from Mexico.

 

Finally, it was unclear whether camionetas are used only for transporting people.  Hernandez (1997) writes about a transport method practiced by migrants from Monterrey, Mexico who reside in Houston, Texas.  There, a small company transports people and delivers money (remittances), letters and all sorts of packages between the two cities.  A fleet of vans travels the 500 miles between the two cities to deliver approximately $40,000 per week.  Because we found this Monterrey service so intriguing, we decided to ask providers about the extent to which camionetas also work as freight shippers.

 

2.   How do camionetas function on a daily basis?

How consumers hear about services, the bartering or negotiation of the ticket price, and the regularity of the routes and schedules of travel have not been established by any previous study.   Camioneta fleets, apparently taking advantage of NAFTA regulations, move freely across the U.S.-Mexico border, traveling as far south as Mexico City, Merida, and Central America.  Clearly, the cost of this service in large part determines demand and likewise the type of consumer who uses this service.  Getting a sense of the routes, frequency of travel, provider decisions, and cost to consumer became central to our research effort.

 

3. What are the consumer advantages and disadvantages of camioneta travel?

Determining the benefits and disadvantages of camioneta travel will help guide and formulate policy responses to this informal transport activity.  Latino immigrants may use this service as a cost-saving measure for international travel.  This, however, may not be the only reason driving this burgeoning market.  Several newspaper accounts (Schrader 2000; Dyer 1991; Rangel 1999) point to other reasons making camioneta travel popular.  Undocumented immigrants needing to travel long distances may have few options other than driving themselves or using the camioneta.  Air travel is relatively expensive to international destinations while Greyhound (the only coast-to-coast bus service in the U.S.) and Amtrak are cheaper than the camioneta, but take longer.

  

Perhaps more importantly, camioneta travel does not require identification, nor does it impose restrictions on transnational and inter-state travel – what we predicted would be a key attraction for undocumented immigrants who need to travel around the U.S. or to Mexico or Central America.

 

The intimacies afforded by van travel, including Spanish-speaking drivers, more frequent stops, Spanish magazines and music, may also contribute to their popularity.  Catering to a Spanish-speaking clientele, providing food, and offering door-to-door service are other reasons that might make this particular market so attractive to Latino and immigrant travelers.  Finally, cultural factors that place less stigma on poor and middle class riders, or vans that pay attention to small but important religious artifacts on display (e.g., a picture of Virgen de Guadalupe or rosary beads) may also be a factor contributing to their attractiveness to Latino travelers.

 

Camioneta travel, however, may also have its disadvantages.  In addition to the problems found by Ellis (2001), we often hear about horrendous accidents, usually linked to smugglers, of vans full of undocumented people (see for example, Associated Press 1999).  Newspaper accounts (Dyer 1991; Schrader 2000) likewise condemn the dangers, often linking accidents to poorly maintained vehicles, inexperienced drivers, and fatigue from driving long hours without rest.  Regulations, however, are difficult to enforce because this market is primarily informal, inter-state, and transnational.

 

It was very important to our study team to attempt to establish some level of understanding about the preferences, motives, and experiences of camioneta patrons. The tendency in some accounts to describe this group primarily as victims spurred our desire to ask how consumers feel about the product they get and how they view their options.

 

RESEARCH DESIGN

 

Our team was uniquely suited to undertake this research for several reasons.  Valenzuela and Robeles have co-ethnic status and have engaged in several prior research projects that have enabled them to refine their insider approach to researching immigrants.  Previous research experience on informal labor markets (Valenzuela 1999; 2001) helped us adopt innovative research techniques and creative, inductive solutions to difficult methodological problems.

 

For example, research on informal and sometimes illegal activities can prove extremely difficult to conduct.  The methods used in the day laborer study were carried forward into this analysis as way to approach individuals mistrustful of university or state-sponsored research.  Three primary research methods drove this study: 1) referral sampling and archival research, 2) in-depth interviewing, and 3) participant observation (ethnography).

 

To answer the first question about the size and extensiveness of the camioneta industry we have undertaken referral sampling.  Referral sampling is similar to snowball sampling (Biernacki & Waldorf 1981; Van Meter 1990; Watters & Beirnaki 1989).  It is used to find hard-to-reach populations or to identify groups of people such as illicit drug users, petty criminals, or undocumented workers.  For this particular study, we used referrals in a geographic sense.  We identified terminal sites by asking passengers and drivers at known camioneta terminals to identify other pick-up and drop-off points.  Asking drivers and passengers about other pick-up and drop-off points uncovered new sites and different fleets, especially those that are unregulated and thus not easily found in Spanish dailies, the Spanish Yellow Pages, or popular camioneta terminals (e.g., Greyhound bus terminals).

 

In-depth interviews (Spradley 1979; Lee 1993) of consumers and drivers of the camioneta industry allowed us some insight into questions 2 and 3 above. The interviews followed a structured protocol, although most interviews were conversational according to the tone preferred by the respondent.  Most of the questions were closed-ended and multiple choice, although we did offer respondents the chance to report their perceptions of service quality.  Because most respondents veered from the interview form, the protocol was more a guide than an actual survey, though key demographic questions regarding age, country of origin, legal status, marital status, income level, and occupation were asked.  Each interview ranged from 30 to 50 minutes.  When possible, interviews were audio-recorded, but only for those interviewees who agreed.  In addition, informal, unstructured interviews, similar to conversations were also undertaken.  A total of 150 consumers were interviewed, as were 30 providers, beginning in the summer of 2001 and ending in spring of 2002. This allowed us to sample for summer passengers as well as holiday seasonal travelers (of which there were not many).

 

Finally, we undertook a participant-observer ethnography  (Straus 1990; Spradley 1979; Lee 1993) of this industry by using the camioneta service and recording meticulous fieldnotes.  This particular research method allowed us a detailed account of the camioneta experience.  The ethnography allowed firsthand experience with the benefits and problems, the passengers, and drivers who participate in camionetas.  During the ethnography, we gathered extensive field notes and observations of the camioneta industry.

 

FINDINGS

 

• Destinations for camioneta trips originating in Los Angeles ranged as far as New York in the United States, throughout most of Mexico, and parts of Central America.  Travelers reported taking camionetas from 1 to 60 times a year.
• Travelers use camionetas often for work-related travel.  Seventy percent of interviewees reported taking the camioneta primarily for business or work-related travel.

• Unlike past research on camionetas, the passengers in our dataset felt the service was safe.

• Respondents favored camionetas at least in part stemming from personal and cultural ties to fellow passengers and the operators.  

• In some cases, camioneta travelers are paying more for their camioneta tickets than they would for similar trips on Greyhound. But the time savings are similarly substantial.

• Of the passengers who reported whether they had problems with regular inter-city bus service, 26 reported significant delays,  4 reported verbal abuse from the drivers, and 1 reported being a robbery victim at a Greyhound station.

• Camioneta passengers were in general fairly knowledgeable about camioneta stops across Los Angeles and California.

• Destinations for camioneta trips originating in southern California (Los Angeles) ranged as far as New York in the United States, and throughout most of Mexico and parts of Central America.  Travelers reported taking camionetas from 1 to 60 times a year.
• Travelers use camionetas quite often for work-related travel.  Seventy percent of interviewees reported taking the camioneta primarily for business or work-related travel.

·        Many of those in the sample had access to an auto for their daily travel needs. Fifty-two percent of the entire sample reported having at least one car available to his household.  In fact, 23 percent lived in households with more than two cars available.  Of those who were regularly employed, over half reported commuting to work by auto.  Six of 150 respondents reported using transit to get to work.

• Of the passengers who reported whether they had problems with regular inter-city bus service (Greyhound), 26 reported significant delays, 4 reported verbal abuse from the drivers, and 1 reported being a robbery victim at a Greyhound station.

 

• 48 percent of passengers said camionetas are faster then mainstream intercity bus services; 15 percent reported that they preferred the service because it was more direct, and another 10 percent said that camioneta vans are more comfortable than Greyhound. Finally, 3 percent of the respondent said that the main advantage of the camioneta were Spanish-speaking drivers. Another 3 percent said the greatest advantage of taking the camioneta was to be with Spanish-speaking passengers. However, 1 camioneta passenger reported a robbery (by a fellow passenger), and another reported that he had heard of robbery/physical abuse of a camioneta passenger.

• Unlike past research on camionetas, the passengers in our dataset felt the service was safe.  Fifteen reported that they believed the camionetas were safer than mainstream providers.  Of the difficulties they have had, only one reported concern over the condition of the vehicle.  Rather, the biggest problem with the camionetas, like mainstream inter-city services, were recurring problems of delays and being caught in traffic (42 percent).  Even so, 26 respondents worried that the van and the operator did not carry proper insurance.

• Respondents favored camionetas at least in part stemming from personal and cultural ties to fellow passengers and the operators.  Over 31 respondents reported that being able to listen to Spanish radio and television programs were important advantages the camioneta had over other intercity services.  73 percent of respondents reported that they were more likely to use the camioneta because the operator is Hispanic (e.g., giving business to friends and acquaintances). 88 percent reported they feel safer with a Hispanic driver than with other intercity providers.

• Camioneta travelers are paying significantly more for their camioneta tickets than they would for similar trips on Greyhound.  But the time savings are similarly substantial.

Bibliography

 

Associated Press. 1999. “Smuggling Suspected in Crash of Van.” The Cincinnati Enquirer. (Thursday, December 30)

 

Backover, Andrew. 1999.  “Corporate America Taps Immigrant Market with Products Linked to Homelands.”  Fort Worth Star Telegram.  (Monday, July 26).

 

Biernacki, P., & Waldorf, D. 1981. “Snowball Sampling: Sampling and Techniques of Chain Referral Sampling.”  Sociological Methods and Research. 10:141-1963.

Dyer, R.A. 1991.  “Van Ride to Mexico was Mothers’ Last: Many Tragedies on Unregulated Minibuses.” Houston Chronicle. (Monday, November 11).

Ellis, D. 2001. Improving Camioneta Van Service in Texas. College Station, TX: Texas Transportation Institute.

Lee, Raymond M.  1993.  Doing Research on Sensitive Topics.  London: Sage Publications.

Pope, Tara Parker and R.A. Dyer.  1991. “Mexico-Bound, For $25: Van Services Operate in the Shadow of the Law.”  Houston Chronicle (Sunday, November 10).

Rangel, Enrique. 1999.  “On the Border Lines:  Smaller Bus Lines giving Hispanic Passengers Options.”  The Dallas Morning News. (Thursday, November 8).

Schrader, Esther. 2000.  “National Perspective: The Border Safety Concerns Follow Popular ‘Little Buses’ on the Road.  Officials say an Inordinate Number of Crashes Plagues Camionetas which Transport Millions of Latinos.”  Los Angeles Times. (Tuesday, February 1).

Spradley, James. P. 1979.  The Ethnographic Interview.  New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.

Strauss, Anselm and Juliet Corbin.  1990.  Basics of Qualitative Research: Grounded Theory Procedures and Techniques. London: Sage Publications.  

Valenzuela, Abel Jr. 2001.  “Day Laborers as Entrepreneurs?” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 27(2), April 2001.

Valenzuela, Abel. Jr. 1999.  Day Laborers in Southern California: Preliminary Findings from the Day Labor Survey.  Working Paper 99-04.  Center for the Study of Urban Poverty, Institute for Social Science Research, University of California, Los Angeles.

Van Meter, K.M. 1990.  “Methodological and Design Issues: Techniques for Assessing the Representativeness of Snowball Samples.  In E.Y. Lambert (Ed.) The collection and Interpretation of Data from Hidden Populations (National Institute on Drug Abuse Research Monograph 98, pp.31.43).  Washing, DC: US Government Printing Office.

Watters, J.K., & Biernacki, P. 1989.  Targeted Sampling: Options for the Study of Hidden Populations.  Social Problems, 36:416-430.